BY MONDAY UWAGWU
SINCE independence, Nigeria’s multiple ethnic groups- estimated at more than 250 by official figures- have always lamented their alleged marginalization in the Nigerian National Project.
This is in spite of the fact that Nigeria’s founding fathers, in an obvious attempt to proactively respond to this issue of marginalization, quite wisely created a federalist structure that not only gave a big latitude of autonomy to the federating units, but also tried to align culturally- similar, but not necessarily same, subnational groups in appropriate geographic canopies called regions.
These regions, initially three (Northern, Eastern and Western), in a sense, encompassed ethnic groups with largely harmonious traits. This was to reduce the incidence of internal frictions, and thus, enhance security and political stability within the regions and the bigger national project.
However, time and events have since proved that despite the foresight of the country’s pioneer leaders and the honesty with which they went about public administration, especially with regard to the country’s federalist structure and the alignment of ethnic blocs therein, their attempts proved inadequate to curtail what has eventually emerged to be the increasingly vocal clamour for greater self- determination among the ethnic groups.
Today, even in the face of the creation of states (36 in all, aside the Federal Capital Territory, FCT,), the clamour has neither ended, not even abated.
From the North East, North West, North Central, the South East, the South West and the South East, the beat goes on as more and more groups clamour for greater autonomy under the aegis of state creation.
We shall return to this topic, in its own, sometime later.
Today, let us return to the issue of the original regional federalist structure of Nigeria and the issues it has thrown up, with regard to demographics, land mass and their relation to the guardian principle of justice and equity of the Nigerian Project.
As I said earlier in this piece, Nigeria, at independence, was three regions. North, West and East.
However, for reason of the clamour for greater self-determination by minority groups in the Western Region (allegedly due to the bias against them by the far larger Yoruba bloc), the NCNC- led Federal Government, and the Action Group – led Western Region Government, cohered on the need for a plebiscite among the protesting Urhobo, Bin0i, Esan, Ika, Isoko, Aniocha/ Oshimili, Ndokwa and Kukuruku peoples.
The referendum was held on July 13, 1963, with a positive or affirmative vote of 80 per cent (well above the. 66 1/2 per cent required) and became effective on August 9, 1963.
That was how Mind West was created to become the fourth region in, and of, the federalist structure of Nigeria.
However, in the face of the Nigerian Civil War, triggered by Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu’ s unilateral declaration of independence of the Republic of Biafra, Nigeria’s military leaders, (under the watch of General Julius Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi Ironsi) after the January 15, 1966 coup led by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu (from Okpanam, Delta State), fearing the collapse of the country, abolished the federalist structure and effectively replaced it with a unitary module.
Since then, the creation of states and local governments by military fiat has created a wobbly hegemonic structure that has impacted negatively on the vital issue of equity and fair play, with regard to the number of states (and even local government areas) that each of the four regions now has.
For example, while the defunct Northern Region has a whopping 19 states, aside the FCT, the defunct Western Region had six, the East, five( after the ceding of almost half of its original size …Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River and Rivers states) to what is now the South South Geopolitical Zone (GZ), the defunct Mid-West has two, yes, just two.
Besides, while the defunct Northern Region, aside the FCT, has three (50 per cent in sheer mathematical sense), of the six GZs in the country, the West has one, the East, one (after the ‘ loss ‘ of the four states listed earlier to the South South GZ), the defunct Mid-West has just two states and has no GZ of its own but is lumped, ingloriously, into the minority South South GZ in which it a minority ( two of the six states.
Obviously, there is grave injustice against the Mid-West Region in this regard. For example, aside of being just two states, the emergent states of Edo and Delta have a combined tally of 43 local government areas, compared to Kano (one of the 19 states of the defunct Northern Region), which has 44. Can you beat that! Now, imagine that the Federal Government has a resource or facility to distribute among the states on the basis of equality, the defunct Mid-West Region (Delta and Edo) will manage two, while only Kano will have 44. Yes, 44. To stretch home the import of this, one only needs to look at the total number of LGAs the respective defunct regions will have, in relation to the Mid-West.
That is just a small part of the grave injustice that the people of the defunct Mid-West suffer.
Perhaps, what makes the injustice so disheartening and intolerable is the combined effects of the positive variables in favour of Mid-West Region regarding state and local government areas creation- landmass, population, contiguity and economic viability. With regard to landmass, both states have a combined area of 35, 500 Square kilometers (at 18, 802 sq km and 17, 698sq km for Edo and Delta, respectively).
This is enough (if the emphasis is to be on landmass as a criterion), given that some other states are smaller in geographic terms.
For example, Akwa Ibom is 7, 081 sq km; Ekiti, 6, 353 sq km; Abia, 6320 sq km; Enonyi, 5,670 sq km; o, 5,530 sq km, Anambra,4,844 sq km; Lagos, 3,345 sq km.
The direct implication of this is that each of both Delta and Edo states has approximately about the same size of landmass as Enonyi, Imo, Anambra and Lagos states combined.
Can anyone beat this fact?
Now, to add to the icing of the cake of argument, both states ( Delta and Edo) are geographically contiguous.
But that is not all.
In terms of demography, both states have a combined population (based on the 2023 projection ) of 11, 268, 677 persons, and can readily be split into five different states of 2, 250,000(2. 25m each). This will approximate to the projected population of Bayelsa (2,394,725 persons, as of 2023).
In fact, going by the 2023 population projection by the National Population Commission, NPC, Delta , at 6, ,107, 543 persons, is just a little fraction shy of the combined population of Ekiti(3,398,177) and Bayelsa( 2,394, 725 persons).
From all of the data above, Delta can conveniently be split into three viable states at more than 2.25 m persons per state, and with a landmass of more than 5,050 sqkms each. Edo, in its part, shares similar features of potency with regard to both demographics and landmass.
Yet, that is not all.
In sheer economic terms, hardly any state in Nigeria can boast of a higher, bigger and well-oiled manpower base than Edo and Delta. And the evidence, like a sore thumb, sticks out loud and clear.
With regard to natural resources, while both have great arable land and fresh water supply sources (streams and rivers) for fishery activities, they equally boast other vital resources as alluvial gold, lignite, limestone, gas, crude oil(Edo) and lignite, caolin, sheet glass, gas and crude oil(Delta). In fact, while Delta State is the single highest producer of crude oil in the country, both states contribute at least 25 per cent ( one- quarter) of the national receipts from crude oil, which is the national economic mainstay. In this sense, the issue of viability is well settled.
Then there is the critical element of tranquility typified by sustainable effective law and social order in both states.
The simple implication of this is that, augmented by a viable private sector, all states created out of the two would remain viable as both states have national fame for peace and stability, which are core assets for sustainable growth and a key requirement for the creation of states and even local government areas.
I rest my case.
